Part 13

The American army having providentially escaped from Long-Island, gen. Sullivan was immediately sent upon parole, with a verbal message from lord Howe to the congress; importing, that though he could not at present treat with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as private gentlemen. He informed them that he, with the general, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great-Britain and America, upon terms advantageous to both—that he wished a compact might be settled at a time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say that it was compelled to enter into such agreement—that, were they disposed to treat, many things which they had not yet asked, might and ought to be granted—and that, if upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of congress would be afterward acknowledged to render the treaty complete. The general arrived at congress with this message on the 2d of September; and was desired to reduce it to writing. They received a letter at the same time from gen. Washington, acquainting them with the removal of the army from Long-Island. On the 5th, gen. Sullivan was requested to inform lord Howe, “that congress being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters, but that ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose in behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same. The next day they elected by ballot, for their committee, Messrs. Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge. Eight days after, the committee met lord Howe, upon Staten-Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship received and entertained them with the utmost politeness; the committee in their report, summed up the account of the conference, by mentioning that it did not appear to them, that his lordship’s commission contained any other authority of importance than was contained in the act of parliament; for that as to the power of enquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to them, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result to the ministry, they apprehended any expectation from the effect of such power would have been too precarious for America to have relied upon, had she still continued in her state of dependence. Thus the hopes of negociation by the commissioners ended. The friends to independency rejoiced that it was brought to so happy a conclusion. They almost trembled lest it should prove insnaring and something should take place under it, which, in the present distressed circumstance of their military affairs, might demolish the fabric they were erecting. It served to gain time for recovering from the shock occasioned by the losses sustained on Long-Island. If it delayed the operations of gen. Howe, it answered another valuable purpose; and it is hard otherwise to account for his delay. The committee managed with great dexterity; and maintained the dignity of congress. Their sentiments and language became their character. His lordship was explicitly and authoritively assured, that neither the committee, nor the congress which sent them, had authority to treat in any other capacity than as _independent states_. His lordship had “no instructions on that subject.” The Americans must therefore fight it out, and trust in God for success.

General Washington’s situation, after evacuating Long-Island, was truly distressing. The check which the detachment had sustained, dispirited too great a proportion of the troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and dispair. The militia were dismayed, intractable and impatient to return. Great numbers went off, by companies at a time, by half regiments, and in some instances, almost by whole ones. The flying camp was too literally such. Whole battalions of them ran off from Powle’s (the mode of spelling Pauls two hundred years back[19]) Hook and the height of Bergen, upon the firing of a broadside from a man of war, when no one was hurt by it. An entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the well-being of an army, made his condition still more alarming; and occasioned a want of confidence in the generality of the troops. The number of men fit for duty, taken in the main body and all the out posts, was for some days under 20,000; but the militia, too contemptible to merit the name of soldiers, with the new levies, alike despicable, composed more than a third of the army. The militia did inexpressible damage, by telling the other troops—“all is gone—the regulars must overcome.” By such language the men became more and more disheartened. What is said of the militia is not peculiar to those from any one state: as to their intractableness, and disregard of order and subordination, it is common to all militia, and must be generally expected; for men who have been free, and never subject to restraint or any kind of controul, cannot, in a day, be taught the necessity, or be taught to see the expediency of strict discipline. Within nine days after the evacuation, the number of the sick, by the returns, formed one quarter of the whole army.

Such were circumstances, that they demanded the greatest harmony possible among the troops; whereas no small animosity prevaled between those of the nothern and southern states, occasioned by general and illiberal reflections freely dealt out at head quarters. It was not countenanced by the commander in chief; but the adjudant general assiduously endevoured to make and promote it; so that his excellency, in order to remedy it in some measure, appointed David Henley, esq. deputy adjutant general. The day this appointment was announced to the army in general orders, the 6th of September, a letter was written to a member of congress, which says, “The infamous desertions, the shameless ravages, seditious speeches and mutinous behaviour which prevail in your army, call in the loudest language for a reform. The militia here are only an armed rabble, and all the troops are without discipline. If the congress does not raise an army for three years or during the contest, all the best officers will quit it. Had we been wise to engage the men, at first, during the war, we should now have had an army to have met British troops on an equal footing. As to having recourse to a militia, it is a most wretched subterfuge, experience has demonstrated they will not stand fire. They will not fight from home. Men must learn to fight as they learn any thing else. We have an exceeding good commander in chief, who is not wanting in intrepidity, nor the truest patriotism. I wish him more able counsellors and spirited assistants. Be assured, Sir, that our men have in a great measure, lost that virtue which first engaged them to fight, and are sinking into an army of mercenaries.”

One lieutenant colonel Zeidwitz was tried for writing a letter to the late governor Tryon, wherein he declared his attachment to the royal cause, and promised his service upon certain conditions: he was sentenced to be cashiered, and rendered incapable of any future military command. This strange sentence was owing to a militia brigadier general, and others of a similar judgment who being members of the court, said “it was only an attempt to correspond;” and so the fellow escaped.

General _Washington_ divided has army, leaving 4500 in the city of _New-York_, and posting 6,500 at _Hearlem_, and 12,000 at _Kingsbridge_.[20] On the hills at, or in the neighborhood of these places forts had been erected, which the troops garrisoned.—The strongest was _Fort Washington_, nigh Hearlem, of difficult access, and overlooking the North-River, the passage of which it was meant to secure by the aid of Fort Lee, opposite to it on the Jersey side. When it became clear to the general, that the enemy meant to throw their whole army between part of his in New-York and its environs, and the remainder about Kingsbridge, he removed his quarters to col. Roger Morris’s, ten miles from New-York, and not very distant from Fort Washington. The day before the committee of congress met lord Howe, five ships of war were sent up the East River; on which it was thought necessary to evacuate the city as fast as possible, and to remove the sick, the ordnance, stores and provisions. Colonel Glover was employed in this service; he began upon it about nine at night. By sun rise the next morning, his brigade had got safe over the Jerseys, the sick in and about the city amounting to 500. On the Saturday, he was ordered to have the tents struck, and the heavy baggage carried down the North-River to be transported up in boats, while the tents and light baggage were carried up in waggons. This was completed about nine at night, when an alarm took place; and he was ordered to march his brigade to Haerlem to join gen. M’Dougall, leaving the whole baggage of two regiments behind, which afterward fell into the enemy’s hands. The next morning they marched to Kingsbridge. The poor lads had just unslung their packs, when up drives an express with an account that the enemy were landing: on which they marched back without any kind of refreshment, joined five other brigades, about 7000, and formed on Haerlem plains.

General Howe, having fully prepared for a descent on New-York Island, embarked a strong division of the army under the command of gen. Clinton and others, in boats at the head of Newtown inlet and at another place higher up, where they could not be observed by the Americans, who expected that the attack would be made on the side next to the East-River, and had therefore thrown up works and lines to defend themselves. [Sept. 15.] About eleven o’clock, gen. _Howe’s_ troops landed, under cover of the five ships of war, in two divisions, between Kep’s-bay and Turtle-bay, the Hessians in one place and the British in another. As soon as gen. _Washington_ heard the firing of the men of war, he rode with all dispatch toward the lines; but to his great mortification, found the troops posted in them retreating with the utmost precipitation; and those ordered to support them, Parsons and Fellow’s brigades, flying in every direction, and in the greatest confusion. His attempts to stop them were fruitless though he drew his sword and threatened to run them through, cocked and snapped his pistols. On the appearance of a small part of the enemy, not more than sixty or seventy, their disorder was increased, and they ran off without firing a single shot, and left the general in a hazardous situation, so that his attendants, to extricate him out of it, caught the bridle of his horse, and gave him a different direction. Three large ships were stationed in the North-River, opposite to those in the East-River; both of them kept up a constant cannonading with grape shot and langrage quite arcoss the island. The Hessians upon their landing, seized and secured in a neighbouring building as enemies, some persons, who had been placed there to serve as guides, which for a while subjected them to difficulty.—When the British were completely landed, they marched on toward the Kingsbridge road. The American brigades, that had fled upon the enemy’s approaching the lines, stopped not till met by col. Glover’s and the five other bridges, who were hastening down to them. Upon the junction, the whole marched forward and took post on some heights, when all at once, about 8000 of he enemy as was thought, hove in sight on the next height and halted. Gen. Washington at first consented to his troops marching forward to give them battle; but on a second consideration, counter-ordered as he could not have any dependence on the militia and the flying camp, which composed half the number then present. When the Americans were withdrawn and no prospect of action remained, the British generals repaired to the house of Mr. Robert Murray, a gentleman of the quaker persuasion. The lady of the house being at home, entertained them most civilly, with what served for, or was _cakes_ and _wine_. They were well pleased with the entertainment and tarried there near two hours or more; gov. Tryon seasoning the repast, at times, by joking Mrs. Murray about her American friends, for, she was known to be a steady advocate for the liberties of the country. Meanwhile, the Hessians and the British, except a strong corps which marched down the road to take possessions of the city, remained upon their arms inactive; which gave gen. _Putnam_ the opportunity of escaping with about 3500 men, including the guards, who had been left to shift for themselves, when colonel Glover had been ordered away from New-York. The general in order to escape any troops that might be advancing upon the direct road to the city, betook himself to that which lies along side the North-River, and marched to the end, where it turns off short to the right, and leads on to another and norrower, that goes to Blooming-dale. By this last road, he avoided every dangerous approach to the enemy, and retreated with safety. But nothing could have been easier than to have prevented his getting into it. A good body of troops with two field pieces, in about 20 minutes or less, could have taken such a position as would have necessarily cut off Putnam’s retreat. Col. Grayson has repeatedly said speaking humorously, “Mrs. Murray saved the American army.” On the day that gen. Howe’s forces landed and the following one they made prisoners 354 privates and 17 officers.[21] Many think the general was greatly mistaken in landing on the island instead of throwing his army around it above Kingsbridge, and thereby hemming in the whole body of the Americans at once. Such a manœuvre they view as having been within the compass of easy practice, considering what a naval and military apparatus he had at his service.

[Sept. 16.] On the Monday there was a tolerable skirmish between two battalions of light infantry and highlanders, and three companies of Hessian riflemen commanded by brigadier Leslie, and detachments from the American army under the command of lieut. col. Knolton, of Connecticut, and major Leich of Virginia. The col. received a mortal wound, and the major three balls through his body, but is likely to do well. Their parties behaved with great bravery, and being supplied with fresh troops, beat the enemy fairly from the field. The lost of the Americans except in col. Knolton, a most valuable and gallant officer was inconsiderable; that of the enemy between 80 and 100 wounded, and 15 or 20 killed. This little advantage inspired the Americans prodigiously. They found it required only resolution and good officers to make an enemy, they stood too much in dread of, give way.[22] The men will fight if led on by good officers, and as certainly run away if commanded by scoundrels. Sunday was an instance of the last, and the next day a confirmation of the first assertion. On Sunday, the officers, instead of heading and leading the men on to attack the enemy when landing, were the first to scamper off.

[Sept. 21.] A few day after the British had possessed themselves of New-York, a most terrible fire happened. A thousand houses, near one fourth of the city, were laid in ashes. Trinity church, the public charity school, the rector’s house, and a Lutheran chapel were among the buildings which were consumed. The loss sustained in houses, &c. by the corporation of Trinity church, is thought, upon a moderate computation, to be more than £.15,600 sterling. The fire broke out at a dram-shop, close in with the water side, on Whitehall-slip, about one o’clock in the morning. The reports spread of its breaking out in several places at the same time, were erroneous. Every thing was very dry, and a brisk southerly wind blew. The flames soon caught the neighboring houses, spread, raged with inconceivable violence, and made all the subsequent havock. There were few citizens in town; and the fire engines and pumps were out of order. Two regiments went immediately to the place, and many boats full of men were sent from the fleet; to these, under Providence, it was owing that the whole city was not reduced to ashes. A gentleman[23] who was at Bergen (opposite the spot where the fire first broke out) saw it soon after it began, observed its progress, and is persuaded that it was not purposely kindled, but was merely accidental,[24] and the probable consequence of the sailors having been suffered to go on shore the day before to regale and frolic. The dryness of the materials, the brisk southerly wind, and the covering of the houses (shingles instead of slate or tiles) easily account for its spreading, without calling in the aid of incendiaries.

A brigadier writes concerning the animosity in the American army above noticed—“It has already risen to such a height, that the Pennsylvania and New-England troops would as soon fight each other as the enemy. Officers of all ranks are indiscriminately treated in a most contemptible manner, and whole colonies traduced and vilified as cheats, knaves, cowards, paltroons, hypocrites, and every term of reproach, for no other reason but because they are situated east of New-York. Every honor is paid to the merit of good men from the south; the merit, if such be possible, from the north, is not acknowledged; but if too apparent to be blasted with falshood, is carefully buried in oblivion. The cowardice or misbehavior of the south, is carefully covered over, the least misconduct in the gentlemen of the north, is published with large comments and aggravations.”

Congress have at length adopted a new code for the government of the army. It was become absolutely necessary. “No laws can be too severe for the government of men who live by the sword, and who have this only reply for their ravages—_quis negat arma tenenti_?” This was the language of a gentleman whose concern in the army gave him the best opportunity of procuring certain information; and who said further to a member of congress—“Absolute tyranny is essential to the government of an army, and every man who carries arms, from the general officer to the private sentinel, must be content to be a temporary slave, if he would serve his country as a soldier. Almost every villanny and rascality that can disgrace the man, the soldier or the citizen, is daily practised without meeting the punishment they merit. So many of our officers want honor, and so many of our soldiers want virtue, civil, social, and military, that nothing but the severest punishments will keep both from practices which must ruin us. The infamous and cruel ravages, which have been made on the wretched distressed inhabitants of this unfortunate island (New-York) by many of our soldiers, must disgrace and expose our army to detestation. I have heard some tales of woe, occasioned by the robberies of our army, which would extort sighs from the hearts of tygers. Our men are at present only robbers; that they will soon be murderers unless some are hanged, I have little doubt.” The difficulty which the army has been under, from the want of almost every necessary, tents, campkettles, blankets and clothes of every kind, may have contributed toward the cause of these complaints. Unless the men can get supplied in a regular way, they will be inclined, notwithstanding the most positive general orders to the contrary, to help themselves, however irregularly; and when once they begin to trespass from necessity, they are tempted to proceed for convenience or pleasure.

[Sept. 24.] Nearly at the same time, an officer high in rank and much esteemed, communicated his thoughts in these words:—“We are now upon the eye of another dissolution of the army. Unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. The few who act upon principles of disinterestedness are, comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in the ocean. As the war must be carried on systematically, you must establish your army upon a permanent footing, and give your officers good pay, that they may be, and support the character of gentlemen, and not be driven, by a scanty allowance, to the low and dirty arts, which many of them practise, to filch the public of more than the difference of pay would amount to. The men must be engaged by a good bounty for the continuance of the war. To depend upon militia is assuredly resting on a broken staff. They cannot brook subordination. It would be cheaper to keep fifty or hundred thousand in constant pay, than depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally by militia. If I was to declare upon oath, whether the militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, upon the whole, I should subscribe to the latter. No man who regards order, regularity and economy, or who has any regard for his own honor, character or peace of mind, will risk them upon militia.”—While the American cause is thus exposed, some gentlemen observe with pleasure of the enemy [Sept. 25.] that—“Though they are brave, and furnished with all matters, yet from some causes, they discover very little of the great or vast in their designs and executions.”

It is not strange that there is a number of bad officers in the continental service, when you consider that many were chosen by their own men, who elected them, not from a regard to merit or any love of discipline, but from the knowledge they had of their being ready to associate with them on the foot of equality. It was the case in divers instances, that when a company was forming, the men would choose those for officers who consented to throw their pay into a joint stock with the privates, from which captains, lieutenants ensigns, sergeants, corporals, with drummers and privates, drew equal shares. Can it then be wondered at, however mortifying it may prove, that a captain should be tried and broken for stealing his soldiers blankets, or that another officer should be found shaving his men in the face of distinguished characters! Time must and will clear the army or these despicable commission-bearers.

Too many of the regimental surgeons have made a practice of selling recommendations to furloughs and discharges at a less sum than a shilling a man. Only one of the number supposed to merit the same distinction, was drummed out of the army for such a scandalous conduct. Had all who deserved it, met the like reward, a good reform would have been made: that one is too pitiful a subject to have his name recorded. He charged each man six-pence sterling, and any one was welcome to a certificate for that sum. Several of the regimental surgeons had no professional abilities, had never seen an operation of surgery; were unlettered and ignorant to a degree scarcely to be imagined. Others were amazingly deficient in the article of professional apparatus. From one general return of fifteen regiments, it appeared that for fifteen surgeons and as many mates, all the instruments (which were reported to be private property) amounted only to six sets of amputating—two of trepanning—fifteen cases of pocket instruments—seventy-five crooked and six straight needles—four incision knives for dilating wounds or other purposes—and three pair of forceps for extracting bullets.