Part 3

74. CONTINUANTS. Consonants which may be prolonged in sound are called _continuants_. They are: unsyllabic (83) #i# (59) and #u# (66); #l# (60), #r#; #l#, #s#, #f#; #n# (62), #m#.

75. VOICED and UNVOICED. If during the emission of breath the vocal chords vibrate (32), the consonant is said to be _voiced_ or _sonant_: #g#; #d#; #b#; #n# (62), #m#; #l# (60), #r#; unsyllabic (83) #i# (59) and #u# (69); otherwise it is said to be _unvoiced_ or _surd_: #c#, #k#, #q#; #t#; #p#; #h#, #s#, #f#.

76. NASALS. In the majority of consonants, the breath escapes through the cavity of the mouth, and the cavity of the nose is closed in the rear by means of the raised soft palate. Those consonants in which the breath escapes through the nose, while the oral cavity is closed, are called _nasals_: as, #n#, #m#, #n adulterīnum# (see 62).

77. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO PLACE OF FORMATION. Consonants are further divided according to the place where the breath is stopped or squeezed. (1.) If the breath is stopped by the lips, as in #p#, #b#, #m#, or squeezed through the lips, as in #v# (English _w_), we speak of _labials_. (2.) If the breath is forced through an opening between the upper teeth and the lower lip, as in #f#, we speak of a _labiodental_. (3.) Sounds which are produced by the point of the tongue touching the upper gums and teeth, as #t#, #d#, #n#, #r#, or by the formation of a narrow median channel in the same place, like #s#, or of a lateral channel, like #l# (60), are called _dentals_. (4.) _Palatals_ are formed by an elevation of the front part of the tongue against the forward section of the palate, like #i# consonant (English _y_). (5.) If the back of the tongue touches or approaches the rear part of the palate as in #k#, #q#, #c#, #g#, #n adulterīnum# (English _ng_ in _sing_), and #l# (60), we speak of _gutturals_ (_velars_); see 44.

78. SPIRANTS. Sounds which are produced by friction of the breath are called _spirants_: as, #s#, #f#, and #h#.

79. SIBILANTS. On account of its hissing sound, #s# is called a sibilant. English _s_, _z_, _th_ are sibilants.

80. DOUBLING OF CONSONANTS. In English, double consonants as the _tt_, _nn_, _pp_, _mm_ in _motto_, _Anna_, _tapping_, _grammar_, are sounded exactly like the corresponding single consonants in _cot_, _pan_, _tap_, _ram_. In Latin, on the other hand, double consonants (#geminātae#) were pronounced as they are in modern Italian. In the case of explosives (73), as in #mitto#, after the tongue had come in contact with the roof of the mouth (= first #t#) a short pause ensued before the explosion took place (= second #t#). In the case of continuants (74), as in #summus#, #Apollo#, the #mm# or #ll# was sounded appreciably longer than a single #m# or #l#, and at the beginning of the second half of the long continuant there was a slight increase of force.

81. Consonants were not doubled in writing till after 200 B.C.: as, FVISE for #fuisse#, _to have been_, and for more than a century afterward the usage is variable: as, in the same inscription, ESSENT, _they might be_, by the side of SVPERASES, _thou mayest have conquered_; but it must not be inferred that they were pronounced as single consonants.

[Errata: 77. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO PLACE OF FORMATION. final . invisible 77 ... (5.) If the back of the tongue . invisible]

SYLLABIC AND UNSYLLABIC FUNCTION.

82. Whenever two or more sounds are combined in a syllable, one of them excels in acoustic prominence: as, _a_ in English _pat_; _n_ in the group _pnd_ in _opnd_ (_opened_); _l_ in the group _tld_ in _bottld_ (_bottled_); and _s_ in the group _pst_. This sound is said to have _syllabic function_ or to be _syllabic_; in the examples given, _a_, _n_, _l_, and _s_ are respectively syllabic. All the other members of each group are termed _unsyllabic_.

83. Vowels are almost always used in syllabic function. When, in rare cases, they are unsyllabic, this fact is usually indicated in phonetic works by an inverted half-circle, ̭, placed under the vowel; so in the case of diphthongs to indicate the subordinate member: as #ai̭#, #oḙ#, #ṷi# (49). Latin #omnia# and English _glorious_, when pronounced as words of two syllables, would be written #omni̭a# (2503), _glori̭ous_. When sounds other than vowels have, in rare cases, syllabic function, this fact is noted in phonetic works by a point, . , or circle, ˳ , under the letter: as, Latin #*agṛs#, #*agr̥s# (111, _b_), English _opṇd_, _opn̥d_.

ACCENT.

84. The relative force with which the different syllables of a word are uttered varies. Such variation in emphasis is called _stress accentuation_.

The degrees of stress are really infinite, but for practical purposes it is sufficient to distinguish between (1.) the strongest stress (chief accent); (2.) a weaker stress (secondary accent); and (3.) absence of stress (atonic syllable). In the English _contradict_, the last syllable has the chief accent, a secondary accent falls on the first, and the second syllable is unstressed.

85. It is not customary to indicate the place of accents in Latin by special signs. When, for special reasons, signs are used, ´ denotes the chief accent, ` the secondary accent, while the unstressed syllables are left unmarked.

THE CLASSICAL ACCENT.

86. In classical Latin the place of the chief accent may be determined by the following rules.

(1.) Words of two syllables have the accent on the penult (175): as,

#hómo#; #ā́cer#.

(2.) Words of more than two syllables have the accent on the penult when that syllable is long (177); otherwise on the antepenult: as,

#palū́ster#, #onústus# (177); #mulíebris#, #génetrīx# (178); #árborēs#, #árbutus#, #gladíolus#.

87. A short penult retains the accent in the genitive and vocative with a single #ī# from stems in #-io-# (456, 459): as, genitive, #cōnsílī#; #impérī#; genitive or vocative, #Vergílī#; #Valérī#; #Mercúrī#. For #calefácis#, &c., see 394.

88. In a few words which have lost a syllable the accent is retained on the last syllable; such are (1.) compounds of the imperatives #dīc# and #dūc# (113): as, #ēdū́c#; (2.) nominatives of proper names in #-ās# and #-īs# for #-ātis# and #-ītis#: as, #Arpīnā́s#, for #Arpīnā́tis#; #Laenā́s#; #Maecēnā́s#; #Quirī́s#; #Samnī́s#; also #nostrā́s#, #vostrā́s#; (3.) words compounded with the abbreviated (113) enclitics #-c# for #-ce# and #-n# for #-ne#: as, #illī́c#; #tantṓn#; #audīstī́n# (for the shortening of the final syllable: as, #vidén#, _dost see?_, see 129); (4.) #audī́t#, contracted from #audīvit# (154, 893). The Latin grammarians prescribe the circumflex (90) for all these long syllables.

EARLIER RECESSIVE ACCENT.

89. In the preliterary period of the Latin language, the accent tended to go as far from the end of the word as possible (_recessive accent_). Thus, while the classical accentuation is #inimī́cus#, the older period accented #ínimīcus#. In literary Latin this early recessive accent has survived, only in Plautus’s accentuation of words of the form ⏑ ⏑ ⏑ ⏓ (proceleusmatic or fourth paeon, see 2521), in which he stresses the first syllable: as, #fácilius# (classical #facílius#); #vóluerat# (classical #volúerat#). But in many instances the early recessive accent may be traced in literary Latin by the phonetic changes which it produced (102 ff.).

90. MUSICAL ELEMENT. The native Latin grammarians slight the stress accentuation and pay much attention instead to the variations in pitch. But they are so greatly dependent on their Greek models that they are unsafe guides in this matter. It is, however, probable that a stressed vowel was uttered on a higher key (acute) than an unstressed vowel (grave), and that in certain syllables the long, accented vowel showed a rise and fall (circumflex): as, #illîc# (88).

91. The force of the Latin stress accent must have varied at different periods and in different localities, as it now varies in the Romance countries. The early recessive accent seems to have been fairly emphatic; but the stress in classical Latin was probably weak and the difference between accented and unaccented syllables was much less marked than it is in English.

PROCLITICS AND ENCLITICS.

92. #Proclitics# are unaccented words which are pronounced as a part of the following word; they are: (1.) The relative and indefinite pronouns and their derivatives; (2.) Prepositions.

(_a._) Thus, #quō diē#, pronounced #quōdíē#; #quī vīxit#, #quīvī́xit#; #genus unde Latīnum#, #génus undeLatī́num#. Similarly #quamdíū#, _as long as_; #iamdíū#, _this long time_. A distinction is thus made between the interrogative #quālis# (1526), which is accented, and the relative #quālis# (1831) which is proclitic (Quint. 1, 5, 26); cf. the English _who_, which is accented when interrogative, and proclitic when relative. (_b._) #circum lītora#, pronounced #circumlī́tora#; #ab ōrīs#, pronounced #abōrīs# (Quint. 1, 5, 27); in inscriptions and manuscripts prepositions are often united in writing with the following word. Phrases like #extemplō#, _suddenly_, #invicem# (94), _in turn_, are commonly written and accented as one word. But the preposition is accented when it is followed by a monosyllabic unemphatic (and therefore enclitic) personal pronoun: as, #ín mē#; #ábs tē# (but #abs tḗ#, if #tē# is emphatic). All prepositions used as adverbs (1402) have an independent accent.

93. ENCLITICS are words which have no accent of their own, but are pronounced as a part of the word preceding. This increase of the number of syllables produced certain accentual changes, all the details of which are not clear. When the enclitic was monosyllabic the place of the accent seems to have been determined as in 86; thus #vídēs#, but #vidḗsne#; #Látiō#, but #Latiṓque#. Again, when by the addition of a monosyllabic enclitic the accent falls on the fourth syllable from the end, a secondary (84, 85) accent was probably placed on the penult: as, #perī́cula#, but #perī́culàque#. The Roman grammarians agree, however, in demanding that everywhere the syllable preceding the enclitics #-que#, #-ne#, #-ve#, and #-ce# should be accented. In #deinde# and #subinde# there is authority for placing the accent on the first syllable.

Enclitics are: (1.) Unemphatic personal and indefinite pronouns: as, #in mē#, pronounced, #ínmē#; #dā mihi#, #dā́mihi#; #sīc tibi#, #sī́ctibi#; #sī quis#, #sī́quis#; #nē quid#, #nḗquid#. (2.) Verbs when used as auxiliaries: as, #possum# for #pót(e) sum# (752); #quī́ libet# (2401); #vidḗlicet#, #īlicet#, #scīlicet# (712); #quámvīs# (1903); the forms of #esse# in compound tenses (719), so that #est# is frequently combined, even in writing, with the preceding past participle (747). (3.) The

## particles #-ne# (#-n#), #-ve#, and #-ce# (#-c#): as, #satísne# or

shortened #satín#; #Hyrcānīsve Arabī́sve#; #istī́ce# or shortened #istîc# (90), #adhûc# (90). (4.) The copulative conjunction #-que#: as, #Latiṓque#, #līmináque#. (5.) The preposition #cum# when it follows (1435) its case. (6.) The particle #quidem#: as, #sī quidem#, #síquidem# (131). (7.) Other enclitics are: #-met# (650): as, #egómet#; #-dem#: as, #ibídem#; #-nam#: as, #ubínam#; #-dum# (1573): as, #agédum#; #-inde#: as, #déinde#, #próinde# (which are disyllabic in verse), and #súbinde#; #-tum#; as, #etiámtum#; #-per#: as, #parúmper#; the vocative when it was closely joined to the preceding word, e.g. an imperative: as, #dī́c puer# (106).

94. Two words expressing what is really one single idea are often bound together by _one_ accent, one of them acting the part of either a proclitic or enclitic.

Thus, with the earlier recessive accent (89), #Iū́piter# (133; 389; originally a vocative which came to be used as nominative; for the change of #pater# to #piter# see 104); #ínvicem#, _in turn_; #dḗnuō# for #dḗ nóvō# (106); with the later, classical accent, #lēgislā́tor#, #paterfamíliās#, #orbisterrā́rum#, #extémplō#, #imprī́mīs#. When unemphatic #ille# and #iste# preceded their noun and had practically the value of our definite article they formed a unit with the following noun and thus the accent might fall on their last syllable: as, #illé pater#, #isté canis#. This use is particularly common in vulgar and late Latin (see 112).

[Erratum: 92a ... and proclitic when relative. final . missing]

CHANGE OF SOUND.

(A.) VOWEL CHANGE.

CHANGE OF DIPHTHONGS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES.

95. Of the six original diphthongs #au#, #ou#, #eu#, and #ai#, #oi#, #ei#, the only one which preserved its original sound in the classical period is #au#. Of the rest only #ae# (for older #ai#) and, in a few words, #oe# (for older #oi#) remained diphthongs; all the others had become monophthongs.

96. CHANGE OF #ai#. #ai# is common in inscriptions: as, AIDILIS, PRAITOR. Toward the end of the republic the two elements of the diphthong had been partially assimilated to #ae# (49): as, #aedīlis# (Quint. 1, 7, 18). This is its pronunciation in the classical period. Between 130 and 100 B.C. #ai# is displaced by #ae# in public documents; but the old-fashioned #ai# was often retained in private inscriptions. Still later the two elements completely converged to #ē#. In provincial Latin #ē# is found as early as 200 B.C.: as, CESVLA for CAESVLLA; in Rome itself the pronunciation ‘Cēcilius’ for #Caecilius#, and ‘#prētor#’ for #praetor# was derided as boorish; but by 71 A.D. #ae# was verging toward #ē# even in the court language: the coins of Vespasian have IVDEA as well as IVDAEA. In the 3d and 4th century A.D. #ē# became the prevalent sound.

97. CHANGE OF #au#. The diphthong #au#, which was preserved in educated speech, was changed to #ō# in rustic and colloquial pronunciation (see the anecdote related by Suetonius, _Vesp._ 22): as, #cōpō#, _innkeeper_, for #caupō#; #plōstrum# for #plaustrum# (_barge_), _cart_: #Clōdius# for #Claudius#. Some of these gained literary currency: as, #cōdex#, _book_, #caudex#, _block_; #fōcāle#, _neckcloth_, #faucēs#, _throat_. The form #sōdēs# (1572) for #si̭ audēs# = #sī audēs# (Cic. _O._ 154) is a colloquialism.

98. CHANGE OF #ei#. #ei# as a genuine diphthong is common in old inscriptions: as, SEI; SEIVE; ADEITVR; DEIXERVNT; FEIDA. In classical Latin it has passed into #ī#: thus, #sī#, _if_; #sīve#, _either_; #adītur#, _is approached_; #dīxērunt#, _they said_; fīda, _faithful_. An intermediate stage between the old diphthong #ei# and the classical #ī# was a very close (46) #ē#: as, PLOIRVME (465) for #plūrimī#; IOVRE (501, 507) for #iūrī#. For the orthographical use of #ei# as a spelling for the long #ī#-sound, see 29.

99. CHANGE OF #oi#. The development of #oi# was parallel to that of #ai#. It first passed into #oe#: as, COIRAVERVNT and COERAVERVNT, _they cared_; OITILE, _useful_, and OETI, _to use_; LOIDOS and LOEDOS, _play_,--all in old Latin. In classical Latin it has further been changed in accented syllables to #ū#: as, #cūrāvērunt#, #ūtile#, #ūtī#, #lūdus#. But #oe# was retained in classical Latin (1.) when a secondary diphthong (48), the result of contraction (120), and (2.) in a few words like #foedus#, _treaty_, perhaps as an archaizing, legal term; #foedus#, _ugly_; #poena#, _penalty_, perhaps through the influence of Greek ποινή (in the verb #pūnīre#, _to punish_, the regular #ū# appears); #proelium#, _skirmish_; #foetor#, _stench_; and #moenia#, _walls_, perhaps because there was a word #mūnia#, _services_. The connection of #nōn#, _not_, with #noenum# (455; 1444; 699) is difficult because of the unusual development of #oe# to #o#, for which the Praenestine form CORAVERONT is the only parallel.

100. CHANGE of #ou#. #ou#, found in inscriptions down to about 90 B.C., passed, in classical Latin, into #ū#: as, POVBLICOM, NOVNTIATA, IOVDEX; later #pūblicum#, _public_, #nūntiāta#, _notified_, #iūdex#, _judge_.

101. CHANGE OF #eu#. Primitive (48) #eu# appears in classical Latin only in the interjections #eu#, #heu#, #ē̆heu#, #heus#. Every other original #eu# had, even in old Latin, passed into #ou# and developed like the latter: as, #*neumen# (Greek νεῦμα) became first #*noumen#, then (100) #nūmen#. With the exceptions noted above, the diphthong #eu#, as it appears in Latin, is always of secondary origin (48), the result of the two vowels #e# and #u# meeting in composition: as, #neu#, _neither_, from #nē-ve#; #neutiquam#, from #nē# and #utiquam# (124).

WEAKENING IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.

102. The vowel of an unstressed (atonic) syllable is often weakened, changing its quantity or quality or both. This is especially the case in syllables immediately preceded by the chief accent (_posttonic syllables_). The following changes took place at an early period when Latin still possessed the old, recessive accent (89).

WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN MEDIAL SYLLABLES.

103. (_a._) ATONIC MEDIAL #e# before a single consonant was weakened (with the exceptions given under _b._) to #i#: as, #cólligō#, _collect_, from #legō#; #óbsideō#, _besiege_, from #sedeō#; #cértāminis#, _of the contest_, from #certāmen# (224); #flāminis#, from #flāmen# (470). And so probably #hic# (664) arose from #*hec# or #*hoc# (105, _g_) when used as proclitic (92). Before the labials #p#, #b#, #f#, and #m# this weakened sound was intermediate between #i# and #u# (28), and both spellings occur: as, #quadripēs# and #quadrupēs#, _four-footed_; #alimentum#, _nourishment_; #monumentum#, _monument_. The choice of #i# or #u# was probably governed by the quality of the stressed vowel in the preceding syllable: viz., #u# after #o# and #u#, and #i# after #a#, #e#, and #i#. But such distinction is only imperfectly maintained in classical Latin.

(_b._) But before two consonants, before #r#, before vowels, and after #i#, atonic #e# does not change: as, #lévāmentum# (224), but #lévāminis#, _of consolation_; #óbsessus# (but #óbsideō#), _possessed_; #sócietās#, _society_, from the stem #socie-# (but #nóvitās# from the stem #nove-#); #géneris#, _of the kind_; #ádeunt#, _they approach_.

104. (_c._) Atonic medial #a#, except in the cases mentioned below under (_d._), (_e._), and (_f._), was first weakened to #e# and then underwent the same changes as atonic medial #e# (103): as (before single consonants), #cṓnficiō#, _accomplish_, from #faciō#; #ī́nsiliō#, _jump in_, from #saliō# (1019); #rédditus#, _restored_, from #datus#; #trícipitem#, _three-headed_, from #*trícapitem# (#caput#), Cic. _O._ 159; #occiput#, _back of the head_, and #sinciput#, _jole_ (478). In compounds of #iaciō# (940), #-iaciō# is weakened in early Latin to #-ieciō# (as, #conieciō#, 940), but later to #-iciō# (as, #subiciō#). This last form may be due to syncope (111, _a_) of the radical #a#. The spelling #-iiciō# (as, #subiiciō#) is late and faulty (52). It does not occur in republican inscriptions and owes its origin to a confusion of the two forms #conieciō# and #coniciō#. (On the quantity of the vowel of the prepositions in these compounds of #iaciō#, see 122 _e_); (before #p#, #b#, #f#, #m#) #áccipiō#, _accept_, and #óccupō#, _occupy_, from #capiō#; #cóntubernālis#, _room-mate_, from #taberna#; #ábripiō#, _to snatch away_, from #rapiō#; (before two consonants) #pépercī#, _I have spared_, from #parcō#; #áccentus#, _accent_, from #cantus#; (before #r#) #péperī#, _I brought forth_, from #pariō#.

(_d._) But an #a# in the preceding syllable may protect the atonic #a#: as, #ádagiō#, #ádagium#, _proverb_, but #prṓdigium#, _miracle_ (144).

(_e._) Atonic medial #a# before the guttural nasal (62) #n# followed by #g# changed to #i# (138): as, #áttingō#, _touch_, from #tangō#.

(_f._) Atonic medial #a# before #l# followed by any consonant save #l# changed to #u# (both #l# and #u# being guttural, 60, 44): as, #éxsultāre#, _to leap up_, from #saltāre#; but #féfellī#, _I deceived_, from #fallō#.

105. (_g._) ATONIC MEDIAL #o#, when followed by a single consonant, first changed to #e# and then underwent all further changes of medial atonic #e#: as, #hóminis#, from #*homon-is# (485); #ímāginis#, for #*imāgonis#, 226 (nominative #imāgō#, 485); #cúpīdinis#, for #*cupīdonis#, 225, (nominative #cupīdō#, 485); #vírginis#, for #*virgonis# (nominative #virgō#, 470); #ī́licō#, from #*in-slocō#, _on the spot_ (169, 4).

(_h._) Before two consonants or before guttural #l# (60) atonic medial #o# changed to #u#: as, #éuntis#, from #*éontis# (Greek ἴοντος); #sēdulō#, from #sē dolō# (1417). But a preceding #v# or #u# protects #o# (107, _c_).

(_i._) Before #r#, atonic medial #o# was retained: as, #témporis#, _of time_; except when #u# in the preceding syllable induced a change to #u#: as, #fúlguris#, _of lightning_ (for the #-r# in the nominative singular #fulgur# instead of #-s#, see 154).

106. (_k._) Medial #-av-#, #-ov-#, and #-iv-# in posttonic syllables were weakened to #u#: as, #dḗnuō# from #dḗnovō# (94); #ábluō# from #ablavō#. The form #puer#, _boy_, arose from the older POVER in enclitic vocatives (93, 7) and was thence transferred to the nominative like #piter# in #Iūpiter# (94).

[Erratum: 105g ... #ī́licō#, from #*in-slocō#, _on the spot_ (169, 4) (169, 6)]

WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN FINAL SYLLABLES.

107. (_a._) In final syllables unaccented original #e# before #s# and #t# was weakened to #i#: as, #salūtis#, _of safety_, from older #salūtes# (507).

(_b._) Final #i# became #e#: as, #ante# for #*anti# (Greek ἀντί and #anti-cipāre#); nominative singular #mare#, from the stem #mari-# (526).

(_c._) In final syllables #o# before consonants changed to #u# except when preceded by #u# or #v#: as, #fīlius#, _son_, for old Latin #fīlios# (452); #ferunt#, _they carry_, for older #feront#; #femur#, _thigh_, nomin. sg. from the stem #femor-# (489); #genus#, _kind_, for #*genos#, Greek γένος; but #vīvont#, _they live_; #salvom#, _safe_. Not long before the beginning of our era #o# here also changed to #u# and appears to have coalesced with the preceding #v# (Quint. 1, 7, 26): as, in inscriptions: INGENVS (nomin. sg.) for #ingenuos#; SERVM, _slave_ (acc. sg.), for #servom#; NOVM for #novom#, _something new_; so also #boum#, _oxen_ (gen. pl.), for #bovom# (494). But inasmuch as the majority of forms in the paradigms of these words retained their #v#, it was restored in most cases, by analogy, to the forms which had lost it: as, #servum# for #serum#, because of #servī#, #servō#, etc.; #vīvunt# for #vīunt#, because of #vīvō#, #vīvis#, #vīvit#, etc.

(_d._) When the stems #fac-# (#facere#, _do_), #cap-# (#capere#, _take_) appear as second members of compounds, their #a# changes in final syllables to #e#: as, #artifex#, _artisan_; #auceps#, _bird-catcher_. After the analogy of these words, compounds with #dīcere# and #īre# have #e# in the nom. sg.: as, #iūdex#, #iūdicis#, _judge_ (from #iūs# and #dīcere#); #comes#, _companion_ (from #com#, _with_, and #īre#); see 136, 2.

[Errata: 107 (_b._) Final #i# became #e# (_b_) 107c ... INGENVS (nomin. sg.) for #ingenuos# . after sg. invisible]

WEAKENING OF DIPHTHONGS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.

108. Diphthongs, whether medial or final, are treated alike in atonic syllables.

(_a._) Atonic #ei#, #oi#, and #ai# (#ae#) became #ī#: as, #lupī#, _wolves_ (nom. pl.), for #*lupoi# (Gr. λύκοι); #bellī#, _in war_ (loc. sg., 460, 1338), for #*bellei# (Greek οἴκει) or #*belloi# (Greek οἴκοι); #éxīstimō#, _I consider_, from #aestimō#; #cóncīdō#, _I strike down_, from #caedō#; Cicero, _O._ 159, mentions #inīcum#, _unfair_, for #*ínaecum#, and #concīsum# for #*cóncaesum#; so also, probably, #hīc#, _this_, arose from #hoic# (662) when used as a proclitic (92).

(_b._) Atonic #ou# and #au# became #ū#: as, #ínclūdō#, _I include_, from #claudō#; #áccūsāre#, _to accuse_, from #causa#.

109. There are not a few cases in which the atonic vowel does not conform to the rules given above (102-108). These are usually compounds which show the vowel of the simple verb. Some of these were formed at a time when the early recessive accent was no longer in force and consequently there was no cause for weakening; in others the vowel of the simple verb was by analogy substituted for the weakened vowel of the compound: as, #appetō#, _I strive after_, from #petō#, which ought to have #i# like #colligō#, _collect_, from #legō#; #intermedius#, _intermediate_, but #dīmidius#, _half_; #dēfraudāre#, _to cheat_, by the side of #dēfrūdāre# from #fraudāre#; instead of the common #redarguō#, _I refute_, Scipio Africanus minor Pauli filius (185-129 B.C.) said #rederguō#, and #pertīsum# for #pertaesum#, but both Cicero (_O._ 159) and Lucilius discountenance #pertīsum# as the sign of a pedantic prig. In a few cases the reverse process took place, and the weakened vowel which arose in the compound was transferred to the simple verb: as, #clūdō#, _I close_ (958), for #claudō#, which owes its #ū# to compounds like #occlūdō#. For a case where the vowel of the preceding syllable acted as a stay to the expected change, see 104, _d_.

LOSS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.

110. Only vowels which are short and atonic may be lost. The loss of a medial vowel is called _Syncope_; of an initial vowel, _Aphaeresis_; of a final vowel _Apocope_.